This pattern is consistent, incidentally, with sociological studies of populism dating back to the 1950s.
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Is it opposition to the “neo-liberal” agenda of free trade and open borders, which sounds nastier with a “neo” in front of it but is actually the longstanding liberal agenda, dating from the late 18th century?
That’s what commentators from the left generally maintain.
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Demographics: support for populism is stronger among older people, males, the religious, ethnic majorities and the less educated.
Also, values: including “anti-immigrant attitudes, mistrust of global governance, mistrust of national governance, and support for authoritarian values.” In sum, European populism doesn’t appear to be mainly about economics.
Whether duped or not, Europeans are voting like Kansans.
To classify all those parties, Norris and Inglehart plotted them on a Cartesian plane, with the x-axis running from left to right, the traditional ideological divide, and the y-axis running north-south from populism to cosmopolitan liberalism.
It’s something else, says a comprehensive new study by political scientists Pippa Norris of Harvard’s Kennedy School and Ronald Inglehart of the University of Michigan.